The EU should play its Russian assets card
There are ways to overcome a Belgian block and provide vital support to Kyiv
Donald Trump’s latest attempt to bulldoze Kyiv into an unfavourable peace deal with Moscow has exposed, once again, Europe’s inability to shape the course of events in Ukraine and assure its own security. Europeans are paying the price for decades of under-investment in defence and for clinging on for too long to America’s security umbrella.
European capitals have helped Ukraine to revise some of the most egregiously pro-Kremlin elements of the US peace proposal. But Trump’s instincts are always to side with Russia to seal a deal. Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is also at a moment of acute political difficulty. His powerful chief of staff Andriy Yermak resigned on Friday after an anti-corruption raid on his home as part of an investigation into a scandal that has implicated two former ministers. Zelenskyy has been severely weakened; he must act swiftly to change how he governs. But the episode at least highlights that Ukraine now has functioning independent anti-graft bodies.
Europe does have one big card: its control of the bulk of Russian central bank assets frozen since 2022. The EU has prevaricated for so long on how or whether to use this card that it risks losing it altogether. Trump’s latest proposal would have grabbed the bulk of the assets for a US-Ukraine investment fund and one with Russia, with profits flowing to the US, not Europe. The EU has been paralysed by its own risk aversion and legalistic arguments. Recently, it has been held hostage by Belgium, where most of the assets are held, which fears being on the hook if Russia is one day able to recoup the money.
The EU’s instinct to uphold international law is well-founded. With not just Russia but now the Trump administration trampling on international norms, however, it has to consider extraordinary steps to support Ukraine and its own security. It should proceed with plans to make €140bn available to Kyiv as an advance on Russian reparations and linked to Russia’s blocked assets. This would not amount to seizure of the assets — creating a risky precedent — as Russia’s sovereign claim to them would be untouched. But this multiyear funding would be a game-changer in ensuring independent European military and budgetary support for Ukraine.
As German Chancellor Friedrich Merz argued in the Financial Times in September, it would be an expression of Ukraine’s and Europe’s “staying power”. This is not an argument for prolonging a war that has been devastating for Ukraine as well as Russia. It is about bringing an enduring peace sooner by raising the costs of Putin’s aggression and maximalist demands.
Belgian Prime Minister Bart De Wever’s claim that the loan scheme would set back the peace process is convenient, but he has also raised some legitimate concerns. Most of the assets frozen by the EU are held in the Brussels-based central securities depository Euroclear. If Moscow won the assets back, whether in an unlikely court victory or because EU sanctions lapse, Euroclear and by implication the Belgian government would be liable.
There are solutions, however. EU leaders could either agree to indemnify Belgium for risks relating to the assets, or they could take the matter out of Belgium’s hands by transferring all relevant assets, liabilities and profits to a separate legal entity outside of Belgium.
The former is resisted by cashstrapped EU governments, though short of handing Russian assets to Ukraine, their taxpayers remain exposed. The latter would require a regulatory act to segregate the assets and an EU member state willing to host the new entity.
But it is time for the EU to act. At stake is not just Ukraine’s survival but the future of European security.
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